Freedom and Democracy Are Universal Aspirations

Please describe the extent to which Iran’s labor movement aligns itself with other current movements, such as the women’s movement and the student movement. What are the potential gains from increased coordination and support among these social movements?

 

Too often, social actors tend to assume that their struggle is unique and they are experiencing everything for the first time. Due to its long history of fighting for its rights, its standing in society, and its importance in social transformations, Iran’s labor movement can – and must – steer clear of this misguided tendency.

 

When analyzing labor movement protests, several issues must be considered. First, whether it be the so-called “springtime for the press” at the beginning of the 1979 Revolution or today, when Iran’s media is severely censored by the government, most news about these protests are not covered by the press. Additionally, due to considerable financial pressures, the laborers’ social, political, and economic demands have, unfortunately, been significantly reduced. Despite their dissatisfaction, the majority of laborers are often either forced to make the preservation of their employment a priority or stop their struggle and accept the current situation because of their poverty and financial need. Sometimes they even have to forego certain benefits and, after taking part in protests, return to work in conditions that are worse than before.

 

Second, the labor movement is primarily concentrated in the “industrial sector,” and in large groups. According to official statistics, more than five million unskilled workers labor in sectors such as construction, factory machinery operation, and transportation; approximately 500,000 laborers work in the agricultural sector; and about one and one-half million laborers work in the service sectors. Nevertheless, isolation, lack of information, and poor organization has prevented the formation of significant movements among these sections of Iran’s laborers. Furthermore, in the last several decades, a large coalition of various groups allied with the regime (including members of Parliament, public officials, state media, employers, merchants, and security forces) has posed a serious challenge to laborers. This coalition tramples the rights of workers and ignores their demands by ratifying anti-labor laws or terminating, tracking down, and imprisoning workers.  

 

Rising prices, increasing poverty, and inequality have lowered the standards of living for more and more Iranians from various economic classes, causing increased protests by these groups. For this reason, in the last decade we have witnessed many protests by employees, including nurses, drivers, and finally, teachers. In the midst of these peaceful movements, the struggle of the drivers of the Vahed Bus Drivers’ Union in the last year and the recent protests of teachers violently put down by the government resulted in significant press coverage in Iran and around the world.

 

In the last few years, alongside these types of movements which took place to object to deplorable living and working conditions, other large social movements have begun to assemble. Among them are the student movement, which opposes political authoritarianism, and the women’s movement, which protests the social inequality of women. Journalists, bloggers, writers, and publishers have protested Iran’s political and social situation and have been suppressed in various ways. These cases, and the perspective that society has gained from witnessing these struggles, demonstrate that isolated movements are not effective and, as such, will not allow Iran’s labor movement to find its true and rightful place among its people.

 

Today, not only should social activists support the demands of the labor movement, but Iran’s labor movement should also lend its support to other movements and the demands of other segments of society. The labor movement must bear in mind that in the current closed socio-political situation, with no independent organizations or media to publish its demands, close cooperation with other groups can assist in the diffusion of workers’ demands throughout society. Attracting and garnering the support of significant parts of society can bring this movement closer to accomplishing its goals. Other social movements should also understand that Iran’s laborers still influence large sections of Iran’s economy, and that today they can play a decisive role in the future political transformation of Iran, just as they did during the 1979 Revolution.

 

Everyone will benefit if various movements align with one another and cooperate in the struggle to establish freedom and democracy and to improve the economy. A progressive struggle is a step in the right direction and will yield its own positive results. But those struggling for change in Iran must learn the necessary lessons from the aftermath of the 1979 Revolution and, at this particular juncture, pay attention to at least two realities: (1) the struggle for freedom, democracy, and equality is directly connected to the struggle for social justice and welfare; and (2) unless these movements work together, the regime will be able to easily suppress them.

 

Unfortunately, Iran’s labor movement does not receive the same level of attention and support from international political organizations as the student movement or the women’s movement. While unions and independent organizations defending the workers’ rights in the West closely follow the struggle of Iran’s laborers and protest their suppression, official and governmental organizations pay more attention to the women’s movement, the student movement, and protests by journalists, because the latter groups are not associated with so-called “class struggle.”

 

If one reason for this lack of attention is the limited distribution of reports dealing with labor movements, another important reason is fear of a “leftist” element characterizing this struggle. The most extreme views on both sides of the labor issue, in the West as well as in Iran, perceive Western-style “liberal democracy” and “laborer leftism” as two contradictory forces. However, the West must also understand that it is not in its interest to ignore the demands and needs of this large segment of society. Also, the West should not support democratic movements inside Iran only insofar as they align with its own political-economic interests.

 

Issues of freedom and democracy should not be limited to certain groups that meet a certain criteria or have a certain agenda. Democracy cannot be completely captured by “the right to vote,” “free elections,” or a “free press.” In Iran or other developing countries, establishing democracy will not be possible without appropriate attention given to the fundamental issue of social justice.

 

I am pleased that Gozaar is dedicating an issue to Iran’s labor movement, making possible such exchanges of views and posing important questions. Respect for democracy, human rights, and freedom of the press ensures that – even in a liberal democracy where publications enjoy the financial support of institutions that defend capitalism and the global market economy – the rights of workers and the forces that support them are recognized and considered. Iran’s socio-political forces – whether those in power or that of the opposition – as well as other activist movements in society, can learn a valuable lesson from this example.